We subconsciously fear the violence inherent in
undifferentiation, so we strive to assume and then maintain an identity that
would be different from that of our “others,” especially those closest to us –
my neighbor, as opposed to my friend (until s/he becomes a mimetic obstacle to
me); neighboring nations; social class just below my station; etc.
We no longer have the (easy) recourse to violent
scapegoating that while restoring peace to the community would also bestow an
identity, if only temporarily, on us, one based on a common act of violence/murder.
Since we as (post-)Christians strive not to engage in
the latter, we have gradually and haltingly developed a system of liberal
democracy, where majority rule is supposed to safeguard minority rights. But
those of us who might expect that under such a system violence and scapegoating
would disappear are of course disappointed. Also, theories abound to the effect
that politics is predicated on the friend-enemy distinction or that it actually
is about violence: that’s how man forges ahead. Any political theory that
would, theoretically or practically, deny this imperative stands condemned as foggy
thinking, to say the least. That’s also how liberal democracy is being
denigrated by those who favor unashamed power politics.
For those less theoretically-minded there might be
something wrong with liberal democracy inasmuch as it is felt that it denies
one a definite identity that would differentiate one from one’s “other.” In
search of an identity over against the other even a (post-)Christian might
eventually be ready to unreflexively fall back on scapegoating, even of a
violent sort. The issue is further compounded by the fact that liberal
democracy does proscribe certain types of self-identity, those that the system
deems as threatening to the most vulnerable, underprivileged and discriminated
against.
There are excesses in this last exercise – in the
shape of a growing victimhood culture – that are, still under liberal
democracy, protested against. And true to form it happens in a spirit of internal
mediation – the system is being accused by its detractors of seemingly disregarding
other victims, many a time those that the other side, and the system, as the
accusers would have it, paints as scapegoaters . But we are now at a point
where instead of relying on the system to fight those excesses from within in
order to curb them, the validity of the system is being questioned by many who
increasingly characterize it as an aberration of sorts. No thought seems to be
given to the fact that the collapse of the house of liberal democracy would
most probably spell the return of unmitigated scapegoating (this is in fact already
happening) that would naturally tend towards its time-enshrined
violent resolution. There are ready-to-hand examples of the latter in the West’s not
so distant past.
It
takes Girardian thought though to realize that liberal democracy is not this
foggy wishy-washy system of decrepit nonviolence it is purported to be by some of
its critics. No, any Girardian should be able to instantly realize that IN
PRACTICE liberal democracy can never be about the total lack of violence – much
to many of its proponents’ dismay – or doing away with the friend/enemy
distinction, or with any distinct identity, for that matter. It is plain to see
in the context of mimetic theory. It is after all under internal mediation of
man’s mimetic desire, the one prevalent under liberal democracy, that our
mimetic model/mediator becomes our mimetic obstacle, the worst enemy there
could be.
(There
are obviously other types of criticism leveled at it, such as that it actually
serves the elites while paying only lip service to safeguarding the rights of
the underprivileged; any political system does that, some more, some less
openly than others, while certainly the overturning of a political system in
due course will produce a new elite that in turn will be no different with
respect to this phenomenon, though tables might be turned as to who gets to be
elite and who underprivileged. What is of utmost interest for me is in what
manner that is effected, i.e., the issue of the relative level of violence
present in various political systems.)
If
so, is liberal democracy any different from all the other openly violent
political systems? Well, I think it is. It has less to do with its more or less
openly proclaimed adherence, and many a time plainly disingenuously so, to avoiding
violence, at least at home, that is. What is of paramount importance is its
internal dynamic when it comes to dealing with conflict and rivalry. This
dynamic in my opinion stems as much from the system as a theoretical and legal construct
as it does from an internal mediation of man’s mimetic desire that is denied,
by dint of culture and religion, the downward spiral into a sacrificial violent
resolution. If I am not mistaken, the latter has so far been more or less
disregarded by political theoreticians as a powerful mechanism underlying the
system.
In
the end the strength of liberal democracy does not rest on its moral grandeur
or utopian beauty. It does not even consist in its undeniably less violent
nature as compared to other political systems. It has to do with why this last
phenomenon is actually effected, and more in practice than by design at that. In
reality it consists in letting that which underlies the system, i.e., the
internal mediation of man’s mimetic desire, to have free rein in a world that
has seemingly learned to be sensitive to human rights and liberties as well as
apparently abhors excessive violence, while, and that’s systemic as well as
cultural and religious, making sure that there’s no falling back on the
time-tested-and-enshrined resolution of political struggles and conflicts, on
the ritual of violent expulsion/murder of the innocent scapegoat. If the latter
prohibition might feel as violence (figuratively speaking) done to the
community, it is because that last endeavor might still, as it always has, serve
the purpose of solidifying the community’s peace (here: at the expense of that
unfortunate substitutionary victim), and of bestowing a common identity on the
community, though in reality it be that of murderers.
But paradoxically
the systemic safeguards that are in place will be able to hold if – and as long
as – internal mediation is thriving. Why not just say: is allowed to thrive?
Allowing to thrive is one thing, but if it becomes less vigorous and withers,
undifferentiation might already be setting in and identity problems instead of
being painfully clear and thus discussed and fought about, might be working
subconsciously to produce a mimetic crisis in need of a radical, yet
time-honored, resolution. Such a time could easily throw up a demagogue who
would work the conflict as a society restorer, in a truly demiurge-like
fashion. Man is never beyond a return to sacrificial mores.
And
yet I have been time and again struck how effective internal mediation in
Western societies is today, and so how effectively it is able to uphold the
house of liberal democracy. It actually is easy to see why: every issue is
presented or seemingly presents itself as a binary. And in a true spirit of
internal mediation everyone is faced with a 0-1 choice. Those binaries are in “ontological”
need of proponent and opponent! It all seems to somehow correspond with Girard’s
“metaphysical desire” that underlies internal mediation. And is it really a
mystery that societal groupings around those binaries seemingly are of almost
equal force/numbers? Maybe that’s the primal survival skill of our society.
Just look at the inbuilt inequality in Rwanda (85-15) and its horrific results.
Of
course not everybody in society participates in those political struggles, or
rather – not in all of them. Some are indifferent to some of them, some feel
powerless to effect any change, some are more tolerant and refuse to see every
issue as a binary. But almost everybody will get involved at least on some
issues. And then they will feel the push/pull of a mass movement at least when
elections roll around. And feel drawn to join/identify with this or that crowd
which of necessity is but a coalition of groups – and opinions, many of them
seemingly at variance with one another. And yet it all seems to work! The
miracle of the eventual us versus them equation is able to cast its society-invigorating
spell.
Recent
reports have it that Donald Trump is (contemplating) moving towards the center.
I was expecting/hoping for that much. Under liberal democracy it’s not only
normal and expected around any election time; in fact the opposite is suicidal
to one’s prospects of success within the system. It is reasonable to interpret
such a move as showing that one intends to play/is playing by the system’s
rules. Then the struggle will be – as it is most of the time – for a
tipping-the-scales majority. If this yet-putative move on his part is genuinely
backed by a change of heart, if elected Trump will be able to move a bit the
political center itself – around which everything coalesces. And that’s what
change under liberal democracy is about.
Obviously
in the event some of his supporters will be outraged at his not making good on
what they thought were his major planks – and in due course new leaders will start
showing up, new political agendas will start coming to light, and new coalitions
will start forming to surface for the next election. The spirit of internal
mediation will continue to imbue the whole political scene.
Of
course a different scenario is still possible, but seems unlikely to me now. Yet
once again, we’re not beyond the point of no return as it comes to sacrificial
violence as a political ritual. And once again, all of us need to get involved
in the political process to cumulatively stamp out that last threat – by sheer
unconscious effect of an internal mediation manifesting itself as it does in our
post-Christian world, if not by any other means. Let us not wait on the
sidelines to become easy pickings for some hell-bent demagogue when we eventually
have had it.
Yet I
don’t expect to convince any of liberal democracy opponents as to its value. If
I were, all I would show would be my lack of understanding what internal
mediation is all about. And how it can give and/or bolster the sense of one’s
identity. Why should an avowed opponent of liberal democracy suddenly drop a
seemingly very significant part of his/her self-identity and come to my side,
thus undifferentiating with me? No, I don’t expect or even ask him/her to do
that. All I can hope for is that we can retain our disagreements, including
this one, while engaging in politics under the current system. The system which
is amenable to change, though as a rule only gradually and haltingly, but in a significantly
less violent manner than any other political system known to or tried by man so
far.
There’s
one more reason why convincing anybody of the values of liberal democracy is a
hard thing to contemplate, or at least it is counterintuitive for the committed
Christian. Its underlying phenomenon, the internal mediation of man’s mimetic
desire, is not a state of mind and spirit that the Christian would want to see
prevail in man. It is very precarious in nature and always in danger of
devolving – much more than its antecedent, i.e., external mediation – into a
full-blown mimetic crisis replete with violent sacrificial rituals. In fact
this is what war waged by modern liberal democracies outside their borders is
all about. As always nobody seems to see and acknowledge the scapegoats, the true
substitutionary victims of an effort to expel the bubbling violence beyond the
bounds of the national community. And bestow on or restore to that community a
sense of self-identity that happens to be truly sacrificial – both with respect
to the domestic scapegoats (the soldiers) and the outside victims (the
terrorists, real or only purported; the stubborn nations that won’t abide by the rules of liberal
democracy as interpreted by the powers that be, etc.).
Toward
the end of his life Rene Girard spoke of yet another form of man’s mimetic
mediation, one that seemingly offers new vistas for mankind. But he seemed to
be very tentative about it. And so should the committed Christian be preaching
the virtues of kenotic innermost mediation of the one who has once and for all
made null and void the need for sacrificial rituals, including war? Not is a traditional
sense, as this would be both counterproductive as well as driven by the very
logic of internal mediation. Instead s/he should be humbly offering themselves
as an example to imitate, to follow, just as they – hopefully – are faithfully
following Jesus Christ. The kenotic imitation of Jesus Christ must be humble
inasmuch as it cannot be associated with demanding or even expecting to see any
results. The preeminent Christian virtue called for in this respect is hope. And
as the hoped for results will be, as they have always been, very slow in coming,
if at all, “kenotic” Christians should be ready to sacrifice their lives to a loving
drudgery, though one imbued for them with, and ultimately grounded in, an all-suffusing
empathy enabling them to see everything as it is unfolding, in the present
moment. As opposed to trying to understand everything – only to have to turn
around driven by an impulse to force that understanding on others. Which would
spell on their part the return of internal mediation in their interactions with
those they ostensibly love, but one of a very self-righteous type.
Is there
a hope and scope for true empathy under liberal democracy? Could empathy win out
over against the spirit of internal meditation under the system? Those are not the
questions that should concern the Christian. Instead they should make sure that
their empathy is vigorous and not the caricature their detractors are ready to characterize
it as. This also means that they should be ready for the ultimate self-sacrifice,
that of their lives, if need be.
But this
seeing, empathetic attitude has its rewards that could also mimetically draw
followers. It is known to free up psychic and spiritual energy that under
internal mediation is badly sapped (as well as it is by the need to understand
everything). Instead of relying on anger to pull oneself up by one’s own mimetic
bootstraps, empathy is able to ground the person in a gestalt-like,
invigorating and loving configuration where one is at one with one’s surroundings.
Tensions are not removed, yet they are paradoxically held in balance, as well
as are one’s past and future. After all the Cross is both a past event and a
task still to be accomplished in our lives. Man is seen as a whole, with all of
their spiritual and cultural endowment. Any moral attitude must be acknowledged
as to the function it plays or used to play, and reconciled in the empathetic
seeing. The brunt of any lacking reconciliation should be borne and/or absorbed
by the follower of Christ.
Liberal
democracy permits one to hold such worthy attitudes, as opposed to many if not most
other political ideologies. It’s one of its blessings. Let us all work from
within the system to make it better for the sake of our neighbor – and
ourselves.
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